Conflict Reader

Photo Source: Financial Express

SCO is a “happening” network with so much potential for India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Both TAPI and CASA 1000 has its source in Central Asia, which forms the bulk of SCO. With China already making a huge investment with its One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, an innovative project could get the much needed funding for the above two projects relating to gas pipelines and electricity corridor. 

Conflict Reader # 26, 15 June 2017

India-Pakistan
Doha to Astana: Insulate and Integrate

CR Analysis

D. Suba Chandran
Professor
International Strategic and Security Studies Programme (ISSSP)
National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bangalore

Two diverging developments in South Asian’s western neighbourhoods – Gulf and Central Asia, calls for two different approaches especially by India and Pakistan. While South Asia should try to insulate itself from the ongoing crisis in the Gulf, we should try to integrate further with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and pursue it as an Indo-Pak opportunity. Here is why.

Qatar Crisis in the Middle East: Insulating South Asia 
Except for the Maldives, none of the other countries so far have taken a stand on the ongoing crisis in the Gulf. Male, for reasons more to do with economic have decided to side with Saudi Arabia and cut off ties with Qatar. The public opinion within India and Pakistan predominantly expects the two countries to play a balanced role and not take sides. While the stakes may be high for India and Pakistan in the Gulf, other countries in the region – Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka also do have a stake and cannot afford to take sides.

For India, the sheer presence of its citizens in various Gulf countries is substantial. So is the case for Pakistan and the rest of South Asian countries except Bhutan. The number of daily flights from various cities of South Asia into the Gulf would reveal the movement of people between these two regions. Qatar Airways and the Emirates are preferred over the national airlines in South Asia while flying to the Gulf destinations and through Doha and Dubai elsewhere into Europe and beyond. 

The presence of their citizens in various Gulf countries for South Asia also means substantial remittances from the Gulf. For smaller countries – Nepal and Bangladesh, this is sizeable; even for India, the remittances from Gulf form an important source for regional economies within. A section in rural Kerala and UP for example in India depends on the Gulf remittances. 

Strategically, Gulf is important for South Asia, especially for India and Pakistan. Outside the Oil and Gas, during the last few years, New Delhi has made adequate political inroads into the Gulf. So is Pakistan, especially its relations with Saudi Arabia. From Gen Musharraf to Nawaz Sharif – political and military elites in Pakistan enjoy a special relation with the House of Saud. 

Given the extensive interactions between South Asia and the Gulf – at the State and popular level, it is important that the region insulates itself from the ongoing crisis. It is easier said in paper, than to practice at the real politic level. Especially for Pakistan, given the recent interactions at the State level despite opposition from within. Lately, Pakistan joined the Islamic Military Alliance led by Saudi Arabia, and also allowed its former Chief of Army Staff Gen Raheel Sharif to head it. Despite best efforts by the political leadership to convince rest of Pakistan, a substantial section is worried about the blowback of not remaining neutral. 

At the State level, three factors will weigh substantially in Pakistan’s reluctance to take a neutral stance: first the close linkages between Saudi Arabia and the political leadership, especially Nawaz Sharif; second Saudis institutional linkages with Pakistan’s military; and finally, the pressure from the Gulf. When there was a debate about Pakistan staying out of the Islamic Military Alliance in the initial stages, there were significant statements from at the highest levels from various Gulf countries almost threatening with consequences. Islamabad had to cave in.

At least then, the Alliance did not have a stated opposition to Iran. Now, especially after Trump’s recent visit to Saudi Arabia, it is clear that the Alliance does have Iran as a primary objective, and Saudi Arabia would like to take a lead role in that process. This means trouble for Pak-Iran relations and sectarian equations within.

Though it is easy to advice and ask Pakistan to insulate from the Gulf crisis, it is going to be a tough call for Islamabad.

SCO as an Indo-Pak Opportunity
If developments in the Gulf does not bode well, recent summit in Astana and the entry of India and Pakistan into the SCO led by China and Russia with Central Asia being the pivot – opens a new chapter for regional cooperation.

While the critics have already highlighted the dangers of India and Pakistan converting the SCO into another SAARC, there is hope. SCO is unlikely to become SAARC, for the stakes here are higher and bigger than in South Asia. More importantly, there are China and Russia taking the lead and making enormous political and economic investments. India and Pakistan, hopefully should leave their baggage behind; else, they would be left behind within the SCO.

SCO is certainly an opportunity for India and Pakistan for the following reasons. First, both countries have been talking about entering into Central Asia. SCO provides an institutional arrangement for both Islamabad and New Delhi to engage with Central Asia, than any other regional network. 

Second, SCO also provides an opportunity to engage with Afghanistan in a substantial way. Though Afghanistan is also a part of the SAARC, unfortunately, internal politics and geographic position of Kabul in a corner did not allow South Asian regional cooperation to play any meaningful role. In SCO, unlike in SAARC, Afghanistan is the centre and a bridge between two regions – South Asia and Central Asia. In fact, there is already a positive movement between Pakistan and Afghanistan, following the meeting between Ghani and Sharif in Astana. 

Third, SCO is a “happening” network with so much potential for India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Both TAPI and CASA 1000 has its source in Central Asia, which forms the bulk of SCO. With China already making a huge investment with its One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, an innovative project could get the much needed funding for the above two projects relating to gas pipelines and electricity corridor. Both projects – TAPI and CASA 1000 will make Pakistan and Afghanistan as recipient and transit countries, thereby increasing their importance and relevance. 

If developments in Gulf is a bad news for India and Pakistan, both joining the SCO is an opportunity.
 
The above is originally published in the Daily Times

Other Publications

Left-wing Extremism in India
March 2020 | Brief

Another Maoist ambush in Chhattisgarh: Lessons from a Failure

read more
After Doha
March 2020 | Analysis

The US-Taliban deal will lead to an Afghan Civil War

read more
The US-Taliban deal in Doha
March 2020 | Analysis

Five reasons why Pakistan is ecstatic

read more
Pakistan
November 2019 | Analysis

The Fazlur Fizzle: The Azadi March will fail, for four reasons

read more
Afghan Elections
October 2019 | Analysis

The Afghans are in for a long haul; so should the rest of us

read more
India & Pakistan
April 2019 | Brief

Crossing the Pak Rubicon: Six premises that India questioned at Balakot

read more
Afghanistan
March 2019 | Comment

Dialogue with the Taliban: Six Questions

read more
The Road to Doha
February 2019 | Comment

Why the Taliban continues with Violence despite Peace Talks: Three Explanations

read more
Afghanistan
January 2019 | Comment

All in the name of Peace

read more
Early Warning Conflict Alert
January 2019 | Brief

South Asia: Five Conflicts to Watch in 2019

read more
Sri Lanka
November 2018 | Brief

Reconvene the Parliament and Respect the Constitution

read more
Myanmar
October 2018 | Analysis

The UN, Myanmar and the Rohingyas

read more
Kashmir
September 2018 | Analysis

Building Peace Momentum in J&K

read more
Af-Pak
May 2018 | Brief

Will Pakistan walk the Afghan Talk?

read more
Balochistan
May 2018 | Analysis

Who is targeting the Hazara? And Why?

read more
Radicalism Project
April 2018 | Analysis

“I am not Malala”: Deciphering the anti-Malala Sentiment in Pakistan

read more
Afghanistan I Sectarain
April 2018 | Analysis

The Sectarian Spiral in Afghanistan: Who? And Why?

read more
Sri Lanka
March 2018 | Analysis

The Anti-Muslim Violence in Sri Lanka

read more
Maldives
March 2018 | Analysis

The Political Crisis in Maldives

read more
Gender Violence
January 2018 | Analysis

South Asia's Kasur Problem: Hypocritical Civil Society, Insensitive Investigation, Indifferent Judiciary and a Hard State

read more
Regional
January 2018 | Analysis

South Asia's Conflict Peripheries

read more
Bilateral I Indo-Pak
January 2018 | Analysis

Will the Indo-Pak Relations improve in 2018?

read more
Myanmar
December 2017 | Analysis

South Asia's Rohingya Predicament

read more
Radicalism Project
November 2017 | Brief

The State surrenders to the Mullahs: Why did the Military aid? And why did the Government agree?

read more
Balochistan
November 2017 | Analysis

The Slow Burn: One Province and Five Actors

read more
Radicalism Project
November 2017 | Analysis

The Ghost of Mumtaz Qadri

read more
Peace Alert
November 2017 | Analysis

Towards an Inclusive Kashmir Dialogue

read more
Af-Pak
October 2017 | Analysis

Joshua and Caitlan: Story of Victims, Rescuers and Perpetrators

read more
Radicalism Project
October 2017 | Analysis

The Islamic State in South Asia: Why are the State and Society reluctant to acknowledge?

read more
Myanmar
September 2017 | Analysis

The Rohingya Politics: Between Strong Military, Weak Government, Rakhine Faultlines and Ma Ba Tha

read more
Myanmar
September 2017 | Analysis

The Rohingya Conflict: The Burning Villages, Social Media and the Internationalization of Violence

read more
Pakistan
August 2017 | Analysis

Jirga and Gender Violence

read more
Society
July 2017 | Analysis

Pashtunwali, Kashmiriyat and Sufi: Are our Social Codes under Stress?

read more
Sectarian
July 2017 | Analysis

Pakistan's Parachinar Problem

read more
Afghanistan
June 2017 | Analysis

Afghans’ Kabul Problem

read more
Pakistan
May 2017 | Comment

Fighting Taliban and the Islamic State: Don't prioritize

read more
India-Pakistan
April 2017 | Comment

Cross-LoC Interactions: Low Hanging Kashmir Fruit

read more
ISIS
April 2017 | Comment

Fighting the Daesh: A Regional Counter IS Strategy

read more
Pakistan
March 2017 | Brief

The Raddul Fasaad Fallouts: Will it succeed where Zarb-e-Azb failed?

read more
Pakistan
March 2017 | Comment

Deep-rooted Misogyny: Offend her; she will forgive in the name of tradition

read more
Pakistan
February 2017 | Comment

Court, Society and Valentine Day: Is expression of love against our culture?

read more
Pakistan
February 2017 | Brief

Hafiz Saeed Detention: Tactical Choice or Strategic Decision?

read more
Pakistan
January 2017 | Analysis

Terror revisits Parachinar: Kurram Agency’s Ten Year Sectarian Itch

read more
Pakistan
January 2017 | Analysis

State vs Militant Groups: What if the Genie has a mind of its own?

read more
Pakistan
January 2017 | Analysis

Sectarian Violence: No More Deja Vu

read more
Af-Pak
January 2017 | Comment

Pakistan’s Afghan Policy: What Shapes? Who Shapes? And through What Strategies?

read more
Pakistan
January 2017 | Analysis

Saudi Arabia, Iran and the ISIS: Pakistan’s Middle East Conundrum

read more
Pakistan
December 2016 | Analysis

Honour Killing: No Honour, Only Crime and Evil

read more
Pakistan
December 2016 | Analysis

Foreign Fighters: Why Pashtuns and Punjabis?

read more
Af-Pak
December 2016 | Analysis

Across the Durand Line: Who is in Control?

read more
Af-Pak
December 2016 | Analysis

Zarb-e-Azb: Pakistan, Afghanistan and the TTP

read more
Pakistan
December 2016 | Comment

And Now, They Are Coming For Our Children

read more
Af-Pak
December 2016 | Analysis

A Tale of Two Taliban: Linkages between Afghan and Pakistan Taliban

read more
Af-Pak
December 2016 | Analysis

Torkham Clashes: Pakistan, Afghanistan and the Durand Line

read more